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2017年7月13日星期四

NYTIMES: Liu Xiaobo, Chinese Dissident Who Won Nobel While Jailed, Dies at 61



Liu Xiaobo, Chinese Dissident Who Won Nobel While Jailed, Dies at 61
By CHRIS BUCKLEY July 13, 2017
刘晓波病逝:自由的探路者,专制主义的囚徒
储百亮 2017713日 
BEIJING — Liu Xiaobo, the renegade Chinese intellectual who kept vigil on Tiananmen Square in 1989 to protect protesters from encroaching troops, promoted a pro-democracy charter that brought him an 11-year prison sentence, and won the Nobel Peace Prize of 2010 while locked away, died on Thursday. He was 61.
北京——中国民主人士刘晓波于本周四逝世,享年61岁。刘晓波是一位离经叛道的知识分子。1989年学生运动中,他曾守在天安门广场,军队逼近之际,救护了现场的抗议者。因为起草并传播一份呼唤民主的宣言,他被判处11年有期徒刑。2010年,刘晓波在狱中获得诺贝尔和平奖
The bureau of justice of Shenyang, the city in northeastern China where Mr. Liu was being treated for cancer, announced on its website that Mr. Liu had died.
沈阳市司法局在其官方网站上宣布了刘晓波的死讯。刘晓波就是在沈阳的一家医院接受癌症治疗的。
The Chinese government revealed he had liver cancer in late June only after it was virtually beyond treatment. Officially, Mr. Liu gained medical parole. But even as he faced death, he was kept silenced and under guard in a hospital in northeastern China, still a captive of the authoritarian controls that he had fought for decades.
中国政府直到6月底才公布刘晓波患有肝癌,那时他的病情已经基本医治无望。从官方的角度来说,刘晓波获得了保外就医。但即便是住进东北一家医院、面临死亡的时候,刘晓波仍被禁言,始终有人看押。他几十年来与这个专制政权的牢笼斗争,临死时仍然是它的囚徒。


Odd Andersen/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
2010年,奥斯陆诺贝尔和平中心,一名男子站在刘晓波的海报前。

The police have kept his wife, Liu Xia, under house arrest and smothering surveillance, preventing her from speaking out about Mr. Liu’s death and his belated treatment for cancer.
刘晓波的妻子刘霞一直被警方软禁,并处于严密监视之下。警方不允许她就丈夫的死和迟到的癌症治疗发表言论。
“Can’t operate, can’t do radiotherapy, can’t do chemotherapy,” Ms. Liu said of her husband before he died in a brief video message to a friend when her husband’s fatal condition was announced. The message quickly spread online.
刘晓波危及生命的病情被公开时,刘霞在一段对朋友的简短的视频中这样描述他的情况:不能手术、不能放疗、不能化疗。这段视频迅速在网上传播开来
Mr. Liu’s illness elicited a deluge of sympathy from friends, Chinese rights activists and international groups, who saw him as a fearless advocate of peaceful democratic change. He was the first Nobel Peace Prize laureate to die in state custody since Carl von Ossietzky, the German pacifist and foe of Nazism who won the prize in 1935 and died in a prison hospital in 1938.
刘晓波的病况引起了朋友、中国人权活动人士以及国际团体的广泛同情。在他们看来,刘晓波是一名无畏的和平民主改革倡导者。他是1935年的诺贝尔和平奖得主——1938年在监狱医院中死亡的德国和平主义者、纳粹的敌人卡尔··奥西茨基(Carl von Ossietzky)——以来,第一位在国家监控下死亡的诺贝尔和平奖得主。
“The reaction to his illness shows how much he was respected,” said Cui Weiping, a former professor of literature in Beijing who knew Mr. Liu and now lives in Los Angeles. “People from all walks of life – friends, strangers, young people – have been outraged to hear that someone with terminal cancer was kept locked up till he died.”
人们对他病情的反应说明了他受到了多大的尊重,现居洛杉矶、一名认识刘晓波的前北京文学教授崔卫平说。各界人士——朋友、陌生人、年轻人——在听说有癌症晚期患者被关押至死,都相当愤怒。
Mr. Liu was arrested most recently in 2008, after he helped initiate Charter 08, a bold petition calling for democracy, the rule of law and an end to censorship. 
刘晓波最后一次被捕是在2008年,在他参与起草《零八宪章》之后。那是一份呼吁民主、法治以及结束审查制度的大胆的请愿书。
A year later, a court in Beijing tried and convicted Mr. Liu on a charge of inciting subversion. The petition and essays he wrote in which he upbraided and mocked the Chinese government were cited in the verdict. Mr. Liu responded to the heavy sentence with a warning about China’s future.
一年后,北京一座法院审理了刘晓波的案子,并以煽动颠覆国家政权罪对其判刑。判决书引用了《零八宪章》和刘晓波批评、戏谑中国政府的文章。面对沉重的判决,刘晓波回以一个对中国未来的警告。
“Hatred can rot a person’s wisdom and conscience,” Mr. Liu said in a statement he prepared for the trial. “An enemy mentality will poison the spirit of a nation and inflame brutal life and death struggles, destroy a society’s tolerance and humanity, and hinder a country’s advance toward freedom and democracy.”
仇恨会腐蚀一个人的智慧和良知,刘晓波在一项为审判而准备的陈述中写道:敌人意识将毒化一个民族的精神,煽动起你死我活的残酷斗争,毁掉一个社会的宽容和人性,阻碍一个国家走向自由民主的进程。
By the time of the trial, Mr. Liu was already China’s best-known dissident, and his fame grew even more when he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2010 while imprisoned in northeast China. The Nobel committee in Norway praised him as “the foremost symbol of this wide-ranging struggle for human rights in China.”
受审当时,刘晓波已是中国最出名的异见者。在2010年获得诺贝尔奖之后,他变得更加出名。当时他被关在中国东北狱中。挪威诺贝尔奖委员会表彰他中国人权斗争最突出的象征人物。
Mr. Liu could not collect the prize himself and he was represented at the ceremony by an empty chair. His statement for his trial, which he was not allowed to read out, served in his absence as his Nobel lecture.
刘晓波无法亲自领奖,在颁奖典礼上,本该属于他的位置摆放着一张空椅子。他为审判而准备、却未被准许宣读的法庭陈述,被人代为朗读,作为他的诺贝尔演讲
“Xiaobo was wedded both psychically and physically to China and its fate,” Geremie R. Barmé, an Australian Sinologist and a close friend of Mr. Liu’s, wrote in a tribute before Mr. Liu’s death. “In the end, his words and deeds may have garnered him a Nobel Prize, yet in an authoritarian system, one that since 1989 has oscillated merely between the poles of the cruel and the pitiless, they sealed his fate.”
无论是在精神还是肉体上,晓波都与中国及其命运紧紧相连,刘晓波去世前,澳大利亚汉学家、他的好友白杰明(Geremie R. Barmé)在一篇颂词中这样写道。到头来,他的言论与行动可能为他赢得了诺贝尔奖,但是在一个专制的体制里,在一个1989年以来不过是在残酷与无情之间摆动的体制里,那些言论与行动已经注定了他的命运。
Confrontation and detention were nothing new to Mr. Liu. He was born on Dec. 28, 1955, in Jilin Province, northeast China. The son of a professor who remained loyal to the Communist Party, Mr. Liu made a vocation out of obdurate opposition to authoritarianism.
刘晓波对抗争和监禁毫不陌生。19551228日,他在中国东北的吉林省出生他的父亲是一名忠于共产党的大学教授,他却一生顽强执拗地与专制主义抗争。
“He was a dissident even among dissidents,” said Mr. Yu, the friend and biographer. Mr. Yu now lives in the United States.
即使在异见者中间,他也是一名异见者,刘晓波的友人余杰说道。他曾为刘晓波写过一部传记余杰现居美国。
He added, “Liu Xiaobo was willing to criticize himself and reflect on his actions in a way that even many activists in the democracy movement can’t.”
他还说道刘晓波愿意作自我批评,反省自己的所作所为。就连许多民主运动中的活动人士,也做不到这一点。
Mr. Yu recalled the first time Mr. Liu spoke to him over the phone, in about 1999. “He said, ‘I’ve read your book and there’s a lot I disagree with,’” Mr. Yu said. “He criticized me for about half an hour.”
余杰回忆了大约在1999年,他第一次与刘晓波通电话的情景:他说,我已经读过你的书了,有很多地方我不同意,他批评了我大约半个小时。
Mr. Liu started out as a notoriously abrasive literary critic in Beijing in the 1980s. He was called a “dark horse” who bridled at intellectual conformity, even in the name of reform. But he was increasingly drawn into political questions as Deng Xiaoping, the Communist leader, resisted matching economic liberalization with political transformation.
20世纪80年代,刘晓波在北京作为一个严厉的文学评论家出了名,被人称为黑马。知识界的一致顺从让他深恶痛绝,哪怕是以改革的名义。当时,邓小平拒绝进行与经济自由化匹配的政治改革,他渐渐将重心转向政治问题。
In 1989, he was a visiting scholar at Columbia University when students in Beijing occupied Tiananmen Square to demand democratic changes and an end to party corruption. He returned to Beijing to support the protests. He later described that time as a turning point, one that ended his academic career and set him irrevocably into a life of political opposition.
1989年,在北京的学生占领天安门广场、要求民主改革并结束政党腐败时,他是哥伦比亚大学的访问学者。他回到北京支持抗议者。后来,他将该时间点描述为一个转折点”——让他结束学术生涯,不可逆转地走上了政治反抗的人生道路。
Mr. Liu’s sympathy for the students was not unreserved; he eventually urged them to leave Tiananmen Square and return to their campuses. As signs grew that the Communist Party leadership would use force to end the protests, Mr. Liu and threefriends, including the singer Hou Dejian, held a hunger strike on the square to show solidarity with the students, even as they advised them to leave.
刘晓波对学生展现了无保留的同情。他最终敦促他们离开天安门广场,回到校园。越来越多迹象表明,共产党领导层将动用武力结束抗议活动;这时,刘晓波和他的三个朋友(包括歌手侯德健)在广场上一边绝食声援学生,一边劝导他们撤离。
“If we don’t join the students in the square and face the same kind of danger, then we don’t have any right to speak,” Mr. Houquoted Mr. Liu as saying.
如果我们没有加入广场上的学生并且面对同样的危险,我们就没有资格发言,侯德健引述了刘晓波的话。
When the army moved in, hundreds of protesters died in the gunfire and the chaos on roads leading to Tiananmen Square. But without Mr. Liu and his friends, the bloodshed might have been worse. On the night of June 3, they stayed in the square with thousands of students as tanks, armored vehicles and soldiers closed in.
当军队进来时,在通向天安门广场的路上,有成百上千示威者死在枪弹下和混乱中。但如果没有刘晓波和他的朋友,流血事件的后果可能更加惨重。63日夜晚,当坦克、装甲车以及解放军官兵朝天安门方向推进合围时,刘晓波和他的朋友们也守在广场。
Mr. Liu and his friends negotiated with the troops to create a safe passage for the remaining protesters to leave the square, and he coaxed the students to flee without a final showdown.
刘晓波和他的朋友与逼近的军队协商,要求为留在广场的示威者开放一条安全的通道以便他们撤离,并说服惊慌的学生离开,避免冲突。
“I understand what you’re feeling, but haven’t you considered how as soon as the first shot rings out, Tiananmen Square will become a river of blood?” Mr. Liu told the students, as he recounted in a memoir published in 1989.
你们的心情我理解。但是你们想过没有,这枪一响,天安门广场将血流成河?根据刘晓波撰写的有关1989年的回忆录,他当时在天安门广场上这样说。
“If he hadn’t been on the scene, I’m sure people would have died on the square. That was his pacifism in action,” said Liu Suli, a friend of Mr. Liu who stayed with him and his friends on Tiananmen Square on the night of June 3. “Xiaobo had a kind of heroism complex that never left him.”
如果他没有在现场,我相信会有人死在广场上。那是他的和平主义行动,”63日那晚同刘晓波留在天安门广场上的友人刘苏里表示。晓波有一种从未消失的英雄主义情结。
Mr. Liu was arrested days after the crackdown and spent 21 months in detention for supporting the protests. He lost his university lecturing job, his books were banned, and the Communist Party labeled him a “black hand” who had helped foment turmoil. His later support for American government policies, including the invasion of Iraq, also brought scorn.
军方镇压动乱之后不久,刘晓波因支持抗议而被捕,在狱中度过了21个月。他失去了大学讲师的工作、著作被禁,共产党把他贴上煽动民运的黑手的标签。他随后支持包括入侵伊拉克在内的美国政府政策的行为也招来鄙视
But he was unbowed. In 1996, he was sent to a labor camp for three years after demanding clemency for those still in prison for joining the demonstrations.
但他没有为此屈服。1996年,因为呼吁释放因参与示威而仍被囚禁的人士,刘晓波被判处劳教三年。
Mr. Liu did not instigate Charter 08, but after he joined activists who were preparing to release it, he worked to make its demands acceptable to as many people as possible, tramping from door to door in Beijing to recruit prominent signatories.
刘晓波不是《零八宪章》的发起人,但他后来参与了公开发布这份声明之前的准备,并且让它能被尽可能多的人所接受。他还在北京挨家挨户地敲门,动员知名人物签字。
The petition at first drew 303 signatories, including many prominent Chinese writers, academics, lawyers and former officials who were recruited by Mr. Liu. By May 2009, the number of signers had grown to over 8,600, including supporters living overseas.
这一请愿书一开始吸引了303人签字,其中包括刘晓波动员的许多中国着名作家、学者、律师和卸任官员。截至20095月,签字人数已达8600多人,包括海外支持者。
“He was able to span people inside and outside the system,” said Ms. Cui, the friend who also signed the charter. “He also linked together opposition movements from different generations. I don’t think anyone other than Liu Xiaobo could have done that.”
他能兼顾体制内外的人,刘晓波的朋友、同样也签署了《零八宪章》的崔卫平说:他还把来自不同世代的反对派运动联系起来。我不认为除了刘晓波还有人可以做到这一点。
Mr. Liu and most other participants dismissed the risk that they could be severely punished. But his wife feared that the government would retaliate harshly. In the statement that Mr. Liu wrote for his trial, he thanked Liu Xia for her “selfless love.”
刘晓波和大多数其他签署者对可能受到严惩的风险不以为然。但他的妻子刘霞担心政府会严加报复。在刘晓波的审判陈述中,他感谢刘霞的无私的爱
“Even if I am crushed into powder, I will embrace you with ashes,” he wrote. “Dearest, with your love, I will calmly face the impending trial, with no regrets for my choices, and will look forward with hope to tomorrow.”
即使我被碾成粉末,我也会用灰烬拥抱你,写道亲爱的,有你的爱,我就会坦然面对即将到来的审判,无悔于自己的选择,乐观地期待着明天。

Copyright © 2017 The New York Times Company. All rights reserved.
储百亮(Chris Buckley)是《纽约时报》驻京记者。
欢迎在Twitter上关注储百亮@ChuBailiang
翻译:纽约时报中文网
Copyright © 2017 The New York Times Company. All rights reserved.

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